2021_Interim.pdf

INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

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INTERIM NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC GUIDANCE

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In my inaugural address, I committed to engage with the world once again, not to meet

yesterday’s challenges, but today’s and tomorrow’s.

Our world is at an inflection point. Global dynamics have shifted. New crises demand our

attention. And in this moment of accelerating global challenges — from the pandemic to the

climate crisis to nuclear proliferation to the fourth industrial revolution — one thing is certain:

we will only succeed in advancing American interests and upholding our universal values

by working in common cause with our closest allies and partners, and by renewing our own

enduring sources of national strength.

That begins with the revitalization of our most fundamental advantage: our democracy. I

believe we are in the midst of an historic and fundamental debate about the future direction

of our world. There are those who argue that, given all the challenges we face, autocracy is the

best way forward. And there are those who understand that democracy is essential to meeting

all the challenges of our changing world.

I firmly believe that democracy holds the key to freedom, prosperity, peace, and dignity. We

must now demonstrate — with a clarity that dispels any doubt — that democracy can still

deliver for our people and for people around the world. We must prove that our model isn’t

a relic of history; it’s the single best way to realize the promise of our future. And, if we work

together with our democratic partners, with strength and confidence, we will meet every

challenge and outpace every challenger.

Achieving these goals rests on a core strategic proposition: The United States must renew its

enduring advantages so that we can meet today’s challenges from a position of strength. We

will build back better our economic foundations; reclaim our place in international institutions;

lift up our values at home and speak out to defend them around the world; modernize our

military capabilities, while leading first with diplomacy; and revitalize America’s unmatched

network of alliances and partnerships.

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And as we do this work, we must also demonstrate clearly to the American people that leading

the world isn’t an investment we make to feel good about ourselves. It’s how we ensure the

American people are able to live in peace, security, and prosperity. It’s in our undeniable

self-interest.

When we strengthen our alliances, we amplify our power and our ability to disrupt threats

before they can reach our shores. When we invest in the economic development of countries,

we create new markets for our products and reduce the likelihood of instability, violence, and

mass migrations. When we strengthen health systems around the world, we reduce the risk of

future pandemics that can threaten our people and our economy. When we defend equal rights

of all people — of women and girls, LGBTQI individuals, indigenous communities, people with

disabilities, and people of every ethnic background and religion — we help ensure that those

rights are protected for our own children here in America.

Today, I am issuing this interim guidance to convey my vision for how America will engage

with the world. I direct departments and agencies to align their actions with this guidance,

even as we begin work on a National Security Strategy. We have no time to waste. The simple

truth is, America cannot afford to be absent any longer on the world stage. And under the

Biden-Harris Administration, America is back. Diplomacy is back. Alliances are back. But we

are not looking back. We are looking irrevocably toward the future and all that we can achieve

for the American people — together.

Let’s get to work.

President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.

RENEWING AMERICA’S ADVANTAGES
Interim National Security Strategic Guidance

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Global Security Landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Our National Security Priorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Today, more than ever, America’s fate is inextricably linked to events
beyond our shores. We confront a global pandemic, a crushing
economic downturn, a crisis of racial justice, and a deepening climate
emergency. We face a world of rising nationalism, receding democracy,
growing rivalry with China, Russia, and other authoritarian states, and a
technological revolution that is reshaping every aspect of our lives. Ours
is a time of unprecedented challenges, but also unmatched opportunity.

This moment calls upon us to lean forward, not shrink back – to boldly engage the world to

keep Americans safe, prosperous, and free. It requires a new and broader understanding of

national security, one that recognizes that our role in the world depends upon our strength

and vitality here at home. It demands creative approaches that draw on all the sources of

our national power: our diversity, vibrant economy, dynamic civil society and innovative

technological base, enduring democratic values, broad and deep network of partnerships

and alliances, and the world’s most powerful military. Our task is to ensure these advantages

endure, by building back better at home and reinvigorating our leadership abroad. From a

position of renewed strength, America can meet any challenge.

Together, we will demonstrate not only that democracies can still deliver for our people, but

that democracy is essential to meeting the challenges of our time. We will strengthen and stand

behind our allies, work with like-minded partners, and pool our collective strength to advance

shared interests and deter common threats. We will lead with diplomacy. We will renew our

commitment to global development and international cooperation, while also making smart,

disciplined investments in our national defense. We will address the crises of today while

promoting resilience, innovation, competitiveness, and truly shared prosperity for the future.

We will recommit to realizing our ideals. We will modernize our national security institutions

and processes, while ensuring we take advantage of the full diversity of talents required to

address today’s complex challenges. And in everything we do, we will aim to make life better,

safer, and easier for working families in America.

The crises we face are daunting. But America is undaunted. Throughout our history, Americans

have turned periods of crisis into times of renewal and opportunity. The same is true today. We

have a chance not just to build back, but to build back better. By leaning into our strengths, we

will shape a better future.

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The Global Security Landscape

We cannot pretend the world can simply be restored to the way it was 75, 30, or even four

years ago. We cannot just return to the way things were before. In foreign policy and national

security, just as in domestic policy, we have to chart a new course.

Recent events show all too clearly that many of the biggest threats we face respect no

borders or walls, and must be met with collective action. Pandemics and other biological

risks, the escalating climate crisis, cyber and digital threats, international economic

disruptions, protracted humanitarian crises, violent extremism and terrorism, and the

proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction all pose profound

and, in some cases, existential dangers. None can be effectively addressed by one nation acting

alone. And none can be effectively addressed with the United States on the sidelines.

At a time when the need for American engagement and international cooperation is greater

than ever, however, democracies across the globe, including our own, are increasingly

under siege. Free societies have been challenged from within by corruption, inequality,

polarization, populism, and illiberal threats to the rule of law. Nationalist and nativist trends

– accelerated by the COVID-19 crisis – produce

an every-country-for-itself mentality that leaves

us all more isolated, less prosperous, and less

safe. Democratic nations are also increasingly

challenged from outside by antagonistic

authoritarian powers. Anti-democratic forces use

misinformation, disinformation, and weaponized

corruption to exploit perceived weaknesses and

sow division within and among free nations,

erode existing international rules, and promote

alternative models of authoritarian governance.

Reversing these trends is essential to our national security. The United States must lead by the

power of our example, and that will require hard work at home – to fortify the founding pillars

of our democracy, to truly address systemic racism, and to live up to our promise as a nation of

immigrants. Our success will be a beacon to other democracies, whose freedom is intertwined

with our own security, prosperity, and way of life.

We must also contend with the reality that the distribution of power across the world is

IN FOREIGN POLICY AND
NATIONAL SECURITY,

JUST AS IN DOMESTIC

POLICY, WE HAVE TO

CHART A NEW COURSE.

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changing, creating new threats. China, in particular, has rapidly become more assertive. It

is the only competitor potentially capable of combining its economic, diplomatic, military,

and technological power to mount a sustained challenge to a stable and open international

system. Russia remains determined to enhance its global influence and play a disruptive

role on the world stage. Both Beijing and Moscow have invested heavily in efforts meant to

check U.S. strengths and prevent us from defending our interests and allies around the world.

Regional actors like Iran and North Korea continue to pursue game-changing capabilities and

technologies, while threatening U.S. allies and partners and challenging regional stability.

We also face challenges within countries whose governance is fragile, and from influential

non-state actors that have the ability to disrupt American interests. Terrorism and violent

extremism, both domestic and international, remain significant threats. But, despite these

steep challenges, the United States’ enduring advantages—across all forms and dimensions of

our power—enable us to shape the future of international politics to advance our interests and

values, and create a freer, safer, and more prosperous world.

This work is urgent, because the alliances, institutions, agreements, and norms

underwriting the international order the United States helped to establish are being

tested. Amid rapid change and mounting crisis, the system’s flaws and inequities have become

apparent, and gridlock and inter-state rivalry have caused many around the world—including

many Americans—to question its continued relevance. The United States cannot return to

business as usual, and the past order cannot simply be restored. But this, too, presents an

opportunity – to act, adapt, reform, and embrace bold initiatives that bring like-minded states

and influential non-state actors together in new ways. Together with our allies and partners,

we can modernize the architecture of international cooperation for the challenges of this

century, from cyber threats to climate change, corruption, and digital authoritarianism.

Finally, running beneath many of these broad trends is a revolution in technology that

poses both peril and promise. The world’s leading powers are racing to develop and deploy

emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing, that could

shape everything from the economic and military balance among states to the future of work,

wealth, and inequality within them. The future potential is enormous: advances in clean energy

technologies are essential to slowing climate change; biotechnology could unlock cures for

disease; next generation telecommunications (5G) infrastructure will set the stage for huge

advances in commerce and access to information. Rapid changes in technology will shape

every aspect of our lives and our national interests, but the direction and consequences of the

technological revolution remain unsettled. Emerging technologies remain largely ungoverned

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by laws or norms designed to center rights and democratic values, foster cooperation, establish

guardrails against misuse or malign action, and reduce uncertainty and manage the risk

that competition will lead to conflict. America must reinvest in retaining our scientific and

technological edge and once again lead, working alongside our partners to establish the new

rules and practices that will allow us to seize the opportunities that advances in technology

present.

Our National Security Priorities

The vital national interests of the United States have endured since the founding of the

Republic. Today, advancing these interests requires a new approach updated for the challenges

of our time. It is our most solemn obligation to protect the security of the American people.

This requires us to meet challenges not only from great powers and regional adversaries, but

also from violent and criminal non-state actors and extremists, and from threats like climate

change, infectious disease, cyberattacks, and disinformation that respect no national borders.

We have an enduring interest in expanding economic prosperity and opportunity, but we

must redefine America’s economic interests in terms of working families’ livelihoods, rather

than corporate profits or aggregate national wealth. That places an imperative on an economic

recovery grounded in equitable and inclusive growth, as well as investments to encourage

innovation, strengthen national competitiveness, produce good-paying jobs, rebuild American

supply chains for critical goods, and expand opportunities for all Americans. And we must

remain committed to realizing and defending the democratic values at the heart of the

American way of life. That means more than simply sustaining the status quo – it means

reinvigorating our democracy, living up to our ideals and values for all Americans, and standing

up for our values abroad, including by uniting the world’s democracies to combat threats to

free societies.

At its root, ensuring our national security requires us to:

? Defend and nurture the underlying sources of American strength, including
our people, our economy, our national defense, and our democracy at home;

? Promote a favorable distribution of power to deter and prevent adversaries
from directly threatening the United States and our allies, inhibiting access to

the global commons, or dominating key regions; and

? Lead and sustain a stable and open international system, underwritten by
strong democratic alliances, partnerships, multilateral institutions, and rules.

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We can do none of this work alone. For that reason, we will reinvigorate and modernize

our alliances and partnerships around the world. For decades, our allies have stood by

our side against common threats and adversaries, and worked hand-in-hand to advance

our shared interests and values. They are a tremendous source of strength and a unique

American advantage, helping to shoulder the responsibilities required to keep our nation

safe and our people prosperous. Our democratic alliances enable us to present a common

front, produce a unified vision, and pool our strength to promote high standards, establish

effective international rules, and hold countries like China to account. That is why we will

reaffirm, invest in, and modernize the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and our

alliances with Australia, Japan, and the Republic of Korea – which, along with our other global

alliances and partnerships, are America’s greatest strategic asset. We will work with allies to

share responsibilities equitably, while encouraging them to invest in their own comparative

advantages against shared current and future threats.

Beyond our core alliances, we will also double down on building partnerships throughout

the world, because our strength is multiplied when we combine efforts to address common

challenges, share costs, and widen the circle of cooperation. As we do, we will recognize that

our vital national interests compel the deepest connection to the Indo-Pacific, Europe, and

the Western Hemisphere. And we will be mindful of both our values and our interests as we

engage partner nations. We will deepen our partnership with India and work alongside New

Zealand, as well as Singapore, Vietnam, and other Association of Southeast Asian Nations

(ASEAN) member states, to advance shared objectives. Recognizing the ties of shared history

and sacrifice, we will reinforce our partnership with Pacific Island states. We will recommit

ourselves to our transatlantic partnerships, forging a strong, common agenda with the

European Union and the United Kingdom on the defining issues of our time.

Because the vital national interests of the United States are inextricably bound to the fortunes

of our closest neighbors in the Americas, we will expand our engagement and partnerships

throughout the Western Hemisphere—and especially with Canada and Mexico—based on

principles of mutual respect and equality and a commitment to economic prosperity, security,

human rights, and dignity. This includes working with the Congress to provide Central

America with $4 billion in assistance over four years, and taking other steps to address the root

causes of human insecurity and irregular migration, including poverty, criminal violence, and

corruption – problems made exponentially worse by COVID-19 and the deep recession and

debt crisis it has wrought throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. And we will cooperate

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to confront the regional effects of climate change, while helping our neighbors invest in good

governance and democratic institutions.

In the Middle East, we will maintain our ironclad commitment to Israel’s security, while

seeking to further its integration with its neighbors and resuming our role as promoter of a

viable two-state solution. We will work with our regional partners to deter Iranian aggression

and threats to sovereignty and territorial integrity, disrupt al-Qaeda and related terrorist

networks and prevent an ISIS resurgence, address humanitarian crises, and redouble our

efforts to resolve the complex armed conflicts that threaten regional stability. But we do not

believe that military force is the answer to the region’s challenges, and we will not give our

partners in the Middle East a blank check to pursue policies at odds with American interests

and values. That’s why we have withdrawn U.S. support for offensive military operations in

Yemen and backed UN efforts to end the war. Our aim will be to de-escalate regional tensions

and create space for people throughout the Middle East to realize their aspirations.

We will also continue to build partnerships in Africa, investing in civil society and

strengthening long-standing political, economic, and cultural connections. We will partner

with dynamic and fast-growing African economies, even as we provide assistance to countries

suffering from poor governance, economic distress, health, and food insecurity exacerbated by

the pandemic. We will work to bring an end to the continent’s deadliest conflicts and prevent

the onset of new ones, while strengthening our commitment to development, health security,

environmental sustainability, democratic progress, and rule of law. We will help African

nations combat the threats posed by climate change and violent extremism, and support their

economic and political independence in the face of undue foreign influence.

In addition to recommitting to our alliances and partnerships, the United States will again

embrace international cooperation toward a better, safer, more resilient, and more prosperous

world. We will move swiftly to earn back our position of leadership in international

institutions, joining with the international community to tackle the climate crisis and

other shared challenges. We have already re-entered the Paris Climate Accord and appointed

a Presidential Special Envoy for climate, the first steps toward restoring our leadership and

working alongside others to combat the acute danger posed by rapidly rising temperatures.

The climate crisis has been centuries in the making, and even with aggressive action, the

United States and the world will experience increasing weather extremes and environmental

stress in the years ahead. But, if we fail to act now, we will miss our last opportunity to avert

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the most dire consequences of climate change for the health of our people, our economy, our

security, and our planet. That is why we will make the clean energy transformation a central

pillar of our economic recovery efforts at home, generating both domestic prosperity and

international credibility as a leader of the global climate change agenda. And, in the coming

months, we will convene the world’s major economies and seek to raise the ambition of all

nations, including our own, to rapidly lower global carbon emissions, while also enhancing

resilience to climate change at home and in vulnerable countries. Alongside these efforts, we

will help partners around the world mitigate and adapt to the effects of climate change, and

we will stand prepared to provide humanitarian and development assistance to nations and

communities affected by natural disasters.

We will also join with the international community to combat the continuing threat posed by

COVID-19 and other infectious diseases with pandemic potential. We will lead at the World

Health Organization, working to reform and strengthen the organization. As we do, we will

push for reforms to improve the agency and the role of the United Nations in confronting this

pandemic and preparing for the next. We have already begun to mobilize an international

response to COVID-19 with an initial $2 billion contribution to COVAX along with a pledge to

provide an additional $2 billion in the coming months and years. Working alongside the UN,

the G-7, the G-20, the European Union, and other regional organizations, through the Global

Health Security Agenda, and with international financial institutions, we will provide support

for much-needed medical supplies and access to diagnostics, therapeutics, and vaccines. We

will join with others to address the grave challenges stemming from or aggravated by the

pandemic, including growing debt, rising poverty, deteriorating food security, and worsening

gender-based violence. We will revitalize and expand global health and health security

initiatives for all nations to reduce the risk of future biological catastrophes, whether naturally

occurring, accidental, or deliberate.

America’s interests at home are strengthened by improving lives globally. Our strength is

multiplied when we combine efforts to address common challenges, share burdens, and

broaden the circle of cooperation. Through our development agencies and financing tools, we

will provide foreign assistance to promote global stability and offer an alternative to predatory

development models. We will invest in climate-conscious food and water security and resilient

agriculture, preventing disease and improving public health and nutrition. We will work to

ensure high-quality and equitable education and opportunities for children and youth. We

will advance gender equality, LBGTQI+ rights, and women’s empowerment as part of our

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broader commitment to inclusive economic growth and social cohesion. Global development is

among our best means to articulate and embody our values, while simultaneously pursuing our

national security interests. In short, our foreign assistance programs and partnerships are both

the right and the smart thing to do.

Because the United Nations and other international organizations, however imperfect, remain

essential for advancing our interests, we will re-engage as a full participant and work to meet

our financial obligations, in full and on time. Across a range of crucial issues – from climate

change to global health, peace and security, humanitarian response, revitalizing democracy

and human rights, digital connectivity and technology governance, sustainable and inclusive

development, and forced displacement and migration – effective global cooperation and

institutional reform require America to resume a leadership role in multilateral organizations.

It is also critical that these institutions continue to reflect the universal values, aspirations, and

norms that have underpinned the UN system since its founding 75 years ago, rather than an

authoritarian agenda. In a world of deepening rivalry, we will not cede this vital terrain.

As we re-engage the international system, we will

address the existential threat posed by nuclear

weapons. We will head off costly arms races and

re-establish our credibility as a leader in arms

control. That is why we moved quickly to extend

the New START Treaty with Russia. Where

possible, we will also pursue new arms control

arrangements. We will take steps to reduce the

role of nuclear weapons in our national security

strategy, while ensuring our strategic deterrent

remains safe, secure, and effective and that our

extended deterrence commitments to our allies

remain strong and credible. And we will engage

in meaningful dialogue with Russia and China

on a range of emerging military technological

developments that implicate strategic stability.

Renewed American nonproliferation leadership will also be essential to reducing the dangers

posed by nuclear weapons. Working with allies and partners, we will pursue principled

diplomacy to address the Iranian nuclear program and its other destabilizing activities. We will

WE WILL MAKE SMART
AND DISCIPLINED

CHOICES REGARDING

OUR NATIONAL DEFENSE

AND THE RESPONSIBLE

USE OF OUR MILITARY,

WHILE ELEVATING

DIPLOMACY AS OUR

TOOL OF FIRST RESORT.

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empower our diplomats to work to reduce the threat posed by North Korea’s growing nuclear

and missile programs, standing shoulder-to-shoulder with the Republic of Korea and Japan.

We will also renew efforts to lock down fissile and radiological materials across the world.

In advancing America’s interests globally, we will make smart and disciplined choices

regarding our national defense and the responsible use of our military, while elevating

diplomacy as our tool of first resort. A powerful military matched to the security

environment is a decisive American advantage. The United States will never hesitate to use

force when required to defend our vital national interests. We will ensure our armed forces are

equipped to deter our adversaries, defend our people, interests, and allies, and defeat threats

that emerge. But the use of military force should be a last resort, not the first; diplomacy,

development, and economic statecraft should be the leading instruments of American foreign

policy. Military force should only be used when the objectives and mission are clear and

achievable, when force is matched with appropriate resources and as part of an integrated

strategy, when it is consistent with our values and laws, and with the informed consent of

the American people. Decisions will be grounded in our strong tradition of civilian control of

the military and healthy civil-military relations. And, when force is required, we will employ

it alongside international and local partners wherever possible to bolster effectiveness and

legitimacy, share burdens, and invest others in success.

Defending America also means setting clear priorities within our defense budget. First and

foremost, we will continue to invest in the people who serve in our all-volunteer force and

their families. We will sustain readiness and ensure that the U.S. Armed Forces remain the best

trained and equipped force in the world. In the face of strategic challenges from an increasingly