social poverty

40 contexts.org

by
sarah halpern-meekin

relational
resources

social
poverty

&

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1177%2F1536504220920195&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2020-05-27

41S P R I N G 2 0 2 0 c o n t e x t s

When we treat relationships merely as a mechanism

through which financial resources can flow, we are not accu-

rately capturing how relationships matter to people in the real

world. Of course, loans, referrals, and a spot on the couch are

valuable, but so is knowing that someone is there for you no

matter what. We must use a more multidimensional approach

in assessing people’s resources. Part of this entails engaging

with the risks of social poverty—lacking an adequate number of

high-quality, trustworthy relationships to meet one’s socioemo-

tional needs. Relationships, in their meaning to people, effect

on people, and motivation for people, have inherent value, not

just a “use value.”

Mark, 21, and Ashley, 20, were among the 62 young adults I

recruited from an Oklahoma City-area program for new parents.

I interviewed them for the first time right around their child’s

birth, and the strength of their relational needs came through

forcefully, even in the presence of their deep financial needs.

Ashley said of Mark, “I don’t think of him as just a fiancé. I think

of him as a best friend, and he is. He’s my best friend. If I didn’t

have him, I’d probably be the loneliest person on the earth right

now.” One of the changes Mark was looking to see in his life

was to, “at least be able to have some type of stability or being

nearing stability.” While one might assume Mark means financial

stability since he and Ashley were struggling financially—getting

by on his $1,000 a month in fast food wages as they welcomed

their daughter—Mark had other concerns. He continued, “Not

the case of financial, ’cause with the way kids are nowadays,

we’re not going to be financially stable for years now. And I

know that. But just get to the case where we’re not trying to rip

each other’s heads off … Just family stability.” Ashley and Mark

wanted to secure their relational resources, not just their financial

ones. As I interviewed these 62 parents—both individually and

together as a couple—multiple times over the course of a year

(for a total of 192 interviews), the importance of escaping or

avoiding social poverty emerged time and again.

What is social poverty?

Social poverty entails social isolation that is more than

momentary, and that cannot be addressed through one’s current

relational resources. As an analogy, feeling hungry is different

than being food insecure, just as feeling lonely is different than

being in social poverty. Like social poverty, hunger is a subjec-

tive feeling—we all have different caloric needs and different

levels of tolerance for being hungry (before we get “hangry”).

Most of us feel hungry or lonely from time to time, some more

Who you know matters, sociologists have shown time and again.

Need a loan? Need a job referral? Need a place to crash in a housing

crunch? A wealth of research has established how social capital

shapes individual outcomes and patterns of social stratification.

Yet, for all of the attention shown to wealth and poverty—that can

come from social ties (or the lack thereof)—researchers often fail to

appreciate the ways in which relationships themselves are a resource.

Contexts, Vol. 19, Issue 2, p. 40-45. ISSN 1536-5042. © American Sociological Association.
http://contexts.sagepub.com. 10.1177/1536504220920195.

42 contexts.org

often than others. However, what sets these feelings apart from

being food insecure or socially poor is whether or not the person

experiencing these feelings can access the resources necessary

to address these issues. Further, when food insecurity or social

poverty are not pressing concerns, we eat and socialize nonethe-

less; that is, our pursuit of these resources is not an activity we

undertake solely as a purposeful effort to avoid impending hard-

ship. While individuals’ experiences of being hungry or lonely are

not social problems that need to be addressed through policies

and programs, being food insecure or socially poor may be. That

social poverty is a subjective experience makes its consequences

for physical and mental health no less real—unaddressed social

isolation can raise the risks of morbidity and mortality. However,

this is not the lens through which sociologists often view social

relations.

Social capital literature conceives of social ties in terms of

their use-value — e.g., job leads, loans. This treats relationships

as a form of currency, as opposed to them being inherently of

value to people due to their relational needs. While relationships

certainly can serve as a form of social capital, the social poverty

lens requires us to view relationships in a different way than is

traditionally done in the social capital field. As an example of

the contrast between the social poverty and social capital lenses,

consider Ivan Light’s focus on “mutual metamorphosis,” in which

he argues that social capital is made up of those social ties that

can turn into other forms of capital (financial, cultural, etc.).

In focusing instead on people’s risk of social poverty, we see

the ways in which they value and are motivated by their social

needs for trusted connections, understanding, compassion, and

companionship, none of which need to convert into other forms

of capital to be deeply consequential.

While the utility of the existing research on social isolation

is limited by the less-than-nuanced way in which this construct

is often measured (e.g., number of friends or frequency of social

interactions), it is still instructive in motivating the importance of

social poverty. Health researchers have shown that social isolation

is associated with having a weaker immune system, a higher rate

of mental health struggles, and increased mortality rates—on par

with the consequences of smoking. These associations between

social isolation and health hold over and above one’s individual

and neighborhood poverty status.

While most research on social isolation focuses on these

experiences among older adults, social isolation may be just as

common earlier in the life course, among young adults. Given

the myriad of changes to roles and daily activities they face,

struggling to meet social needs during this stage of life should,

perhaps, be expected. For example, as young people transition

their primary relational foci from parents to friends to romantic

partners, these transforming relationships may be strained.

Research on the demographics of social isolation also tells us

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An expecting couple sits down to rest on a park bench.

43S P R I N G 2 0 2 0 c o n t e x t s

that this experience is more common among those with limited

financial resources. Scholars have documented the structural

factors that shape social isolation and erode the development of

trust among those with low incomes; these factors then increase

their risk of social poverty. It is important to note, however, that

financial and social poverty are not synonymous. In fact, some

evidence indicates that the social ties through which financial

resources flow can be sources of stress, rather than relational

resources, for low-income parents. There are also suggestions

of deep loneliness and isolation among elites, such as celebrities

and the super-rich, as fears of one’s wealth and status corrupting

others’ intentions may undermine trust. One form of deprivation

may increase the likelihood of the other, but they need not co-

occur. As I discuss below, we can develop policies and programs

in ways that attend to both needs simultaneously.

empirical evidence of social poverty
Kristina and Lance, both 20, were preparing to welcome

their first child when we met, but their relationship was on the

rocks. Fundamentally, they did not trust one another, and this

mistrust stemmed in part from them transitioning to parenthood

on different schedules from one another. At the sight of the posi-

tive pregnancy test, Kristina began to see herself as a mother,

and so she withdrew from her friends and their partying, which

she didn’t see as appropriate for a parent. She said of Lance, “It’s

not about him anymore, it’s not about me anymore, it’s about

the baby and our family. I see that. I’m perfectly fine with that.

I’m perfectly fine with not hanging out with anybody… The only

person I go see is my mom. I don’t hang out with my friends …”

But Lance didn’t feel like a father until his

newborn son was placed in his arms for the

first time, and so he spent Kristina’s preg-

nancy out with friends, behaving in ways

she didn’t see as fitting a “family man.”

They emerged from this period with

their relationship semi-intact. While they

had not regained their footing as a couple,

each so enjoyed the other as a parent and

wanted to give their son the stable family

life they both missed out on as children, that they ended our

year of interviews still together. Kristina’s risk of social poverty

rose during her pregnancy, as she purposely separated from her

friends, leaving her that much more reliant on her relationship

with Lance to meet her socioemotional needs. Lance, for his

part, would be hard pressed to balance his role as a parent with

his relationships with his friends—whose ways of socializing

conflict with what our culture—and his girlfriend—demand of

a responsible father.

There are several reasons why tackling so many transitions

at once—to adulthood, parenthood, and partnership—would

raise the risk of social poverty. First, people may disconnect them-

selves from friends whose young adult lifestyles clash with the

way they want to live as parents. One father explained, “I stay

away from my friends.” This means they have less social support

at a time when perhaps more is needed, as they face the stresses

of new parenthood. Second, when it comes to partnership, it

can be hard to develop trust in a relationship when so much

of who you are and what you’re doing is up in the air. Should

Lance be a responsible father or a carefree kid during Kristina’s

pregnancy? How can you trust someone, or even yourself, to

act with your needs and desires in mind when those needs and

desires are changing and might not even be clear to you yet?

In transitioning to parenthood at a young age and on different

time frames from one another, Kristina and Lance face a real

risk of experiencing social poverty as their relationship with one

another may fail to serve as a steadfast social resource.

Another set of factors that repeatedly emerged in the life

stories of those I met was how their earlier experiences, espe-

cially in childhood, set the stage for their current experiences

Parents help their little one up a large flight of stairs.

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Another set of factors that repeatedly emerged
in the life stories of those I met was how their
earlier experiences, especially in childhood, set
the stage for their current experiences with
social poverty.

44 contexts.org

with social poverty. Jessica, 19, was expecting her first child with

her high school boyfriend Will, 22, and the two were raising his

toddler together as well. She explained how difficult it was for

her to trust anyone, including Will, after what she saw growing

up. “That’s why it’s hard for me to have relationships, anyways,

because with my dad, …he has never been there, and my step-

dad, he is just not a father figure at all. And losing my grandpa,

it was just like, there’s nothing left.” She saw herself as having

been born into mistrust, “My dad cheated on my mom when

she was pregnant with me. I know I wasn’t there for it, but the

stress that she felt I felt.” Jessica’s dad walked out on the family

when she was young, and then lost himself to drugs. A few

years later, she had to watch history repeat as her stepfather

walked out on her little brother and sister, just as her dad had

on her. Not two weeks later, her beloved grandfather died.

Jessica’s mother was wrapped up in her failing relationship and

caring for her other children. Jessica didn’t trust her friends all

that much, after several had pursued Will in high school. This

was why her grandfather’s death left her feeling “there’s nothing

left,” a statement of her social poverty.

Will was Jessica’s main support in life, and she wanted to

trust him, to feel that their relationship was a steady relational

resource in her life, but after everything she had seen, she said,

it was hard to be vulnerable in the way trust required. “The past

males in my life, figures that were supposed to be good, weren’t.

So the trust issues are always going to be there. But I’m working

on it. … I’m still stuck on the past.” Like Jessica, many of the

young parents I met struggled to construct the family lives they

desired for themselves and their children.

Due to their experiences growing up, they

felt it was more difficult to trust, commu-

nicate, and build a life with their partners

today. Their risk of social poverty, there-

fore, came, in part, from current challenges

created by their previous experiences as

children and in their earlier romantic relationships.

In explicating the concept of social poverty, the focus is

not on describing personal failings among those experiencing

it. Rather, we can see the ways in which life course events, the

cultural norms around social roles, and interpersonal dynamics,

among other factors, can come together to raise the risk of social

poverty. As such, addressing the risks and consequences of social

poverty is not just about “fixing” individuals but rather building

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A father holds his daughter tight.

Due to their experiences growing up, they felt
it was more difficult to trust, communicate, and
build a life with their partners today.

45S P R I N G 2 0 2 0 c o n t e x t s

social structures that facilitate the growth and strengthening of

high-quality relationships.

policy responses to social poverty
While the problem of social poverty is more subjective and

slippery than our official federal financial poverty measure, it is

nevertheless amenable to policy solutions. Here I focus on two

guidelines for developing policy informed by the social poverty

framework.

Design programs and communities to promote human
dignity and connection.

We see the power of this approach across fields. Education

researchers have found that at-risk youth are less likely to drop

out of school when they receive emotional and instrumental

support from trusted adults. Healthcare researchers found

that family caregivers of Alzheimer’s patients, who are often

overwhelmed by their caregiving responsibilities, experienced

an easier adjustment to their role when involved in a program

that offered social support. While healthcare provision is often

focused on the health needs of the patient, this research indi-

cates how important the social needs of caregivers—essential

to the wellbeing of patients—are to the equation. Likewise, in

setting up senior living facilities, options for young people to live

alongside older residents can be mutually beneficial; these help

to meet the financial needs of university students, for example,

and facilitate intergenerational relationships, addressing the

relational needs of both groups. Local development plans can

be done in ways that facilitate opportunities for social interaction

and connection, such as around accessible public infrastructure,

like walkable neighborhoods, community gardens, and libraries.

Deliver social services in a way that builds relationships.
Again, across fields we see the gains of delivering services in

a way that anticipates both people’s financial and social needs.

Victor Chen’s research in comparing the services offered to fac-

tory workers following mass layoffs in the United States versus

Canada illustrates this point. While the layoffs were difficult for

all involved, the social poverty Chen saw among the American

workers was distinct. He highlighted the role of the Canadian

“action centers,” which were set up in response to the layoff

and staffed by former factory workers. These centers not only

helped laid-off workers to navigate and secure financial and

educational resources but also provided a site for fellowship,

allowing them to process and experience their job loss collec-

tively, rather than alone.

Relatedly, Mario Small has shown the power of community

institutions, such as child care centers, to connect parents to

local resources, with knowledge often flowing through infor-

mal relationships among parents and staff in the center. These

relationships can be purposefully nurtured with, for example,

regular opportunities to get to know one another, such as at

cookouts. By facilitating relationship building, social service

organizations may become more effective in achieving their

missions while also addressing social poverty among their cli-

entele. This requires that services be delivered in ways that are

not stigmatizing for participants. By recognizing and accurately

modeling social poverty, social scientists can provide the research

base to facilitate work by policymakers and program developers

in alleviating social deprivation.

recommended reading
Cacioppo, John T., and Cacioppo, Stephanie. 2014. Social rela-
tionships and health: The toxic effects of perceived social isola-
tion. Social and Personality Compass 8: 58–72.

Halpern-Meekin, Sarah. 2019. Social poverty: Low-income par-
ents and the struggle for family and community ties. New York:
New York University Press.

Holt-Lunstad, Julianne, Smith, Timothy B., Baker, Mark, Harris,
Tyler, and Stephenson, David. 2015. Loneliness and social isola-
tion as risk factors for mortality: A meta-analytic review. Perspec-
tives on Psychological Science 10: 227–237.

Seefeldt, Kristin. 2016. Abandoned families: Social isolation in
the twenty-first century. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

Small, Mario L. 2006. Neighborhood institutions as resource
brokers: Childcare centers, interorganizational ties, and resource
access among the poor. Social Problems 53: 274–292.

Sarah Halpern-Meekin is Associate Professor in Human Development & Family

Studies in the School of Human Ecology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. She

studies instability in family relationships and finances and the role of government

policy in addressing these experiences.