Consequences of Categorization
Us and Them: Social Categorization
Although categorizing people is much like categorizing objects,
there is a key difference. When it comes to categorizing people, we
notice whether the person we’re categorizing is a member of our group
or not. We have a very strong tendency to carve the world into “us”
and “them”. Groups that you identify with – your country, your
religion, your political party, even your hometown sports team – are
called ingroups, whereas groups other than your own are outgroups.
Just how easily ingroups and outgroups can be created may
surprise you. Imagine that you are a participant in a study. You are
alone in a dark room and are estimating the number of dots on a
screen. After you have completed this task, the experimenter explains
that some people consistently overestimate the number of dots,
whereas others consistently underestimate the number of dots. He
tells you that you are a dot overestimator. Do you think you would
treat dot overestimators differently from dot underestimators? You’re
probably thinking that you would not because in addition to dot
estimation being an unimportant classification, you haven’t met
anyone from the other group of dot underestimators.
You are then told that you have been chosen randomly to award
payment to two other people. All that you know about these people is
that one is a dot overestimator like you and the other is a dot
underestimator. Would you give more money to the person who is like
you – the dot overestimator – or would you divide the money equally
between the two people? When Tajfel conducted this study in order to
see if this minimal distinction between groups could influence
behavior, the results were strikingly clear. Participants awarded more
money to ingroup members than to outgroup members. This happened
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even though the participants did not receive any money themselves.
Based on no information other than knowledge of group membership,
participants used the category “my group” and “not my group” in order
to give more money to the person who was like them, instead of
dividing the money equally. This pattern of discrimination is known as
Ingroup Favoritism or Outgroup Discrimination and it has been
replicated many times, in many countries.
What Causes Ingroup Favoritism?: The Social Identity Theory
Explanation
Why should mere membership in a group lead to consistent
ingroup favoritism? Tajfel and Turner proposed Social Identity Theory,
which has been the subject of much debate, in order to answer this
question. According to this theory, our identities have two
components: a personal part and a social part. Our personal identities
contain specific and personal information about us, such as our
interests, preferences, abilities and traits, while our social identities
are based on the groups to which we belong.
Social Identity Theory also assumes that self-esteem is very
important to us. As a result, we continually strive to enhance our
feelings of self-worth. One way to increase self-esteem is through
personal achievement. Getting an “A” in a course or getting a
promotion at work for example, are good ways to boost self-esteem.
Self-esteem can also be enhanced though, through group
membership. Thinking that our group is better than other groups is a
quick and nice way to get a big self-esteem boost.
According to Tajfel and his associate Turner, Ingroup Favoritism
may occur because treating the ingroup more favorably is a way of
saying that our group is better than other groups. Giving more money
Mobile User
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to people like us is a way to pat ourselves on the back. We will return
to the issue of self-esteem and its relationship to prejudice later.
Consider the ramifications of this basic social process. We may
share many connections with others such as race, ethnicity, age,
religion, even a shared birthday, school, etc., and this can result in a
favorable judgment and actions towards others. This can be a potent
source of discrimination – not based on dislike – based on a preference
for people like me.
The Outgroup Homogeneity Effect: “They’re all alike but my group is
diverse”
One consequence of ingroup/outgroup categorization is a
phenomenon known as the Outgroup Homogeneity Effect. We assume
that there is greater similarity among members of the outgroup than
among members of our own group.
Can you think of any examples of this effect? If someone asked you
to describe the elderly for example, what would come to mind? You
would probably think about them as one big mass of people who drive
too slowly, walk too slowly, can’t hear, are frail and get easily annoyed
(Oh no! That’s my stereotype…). Since you are relatively young, the
Outgroup Homogeneity Effect tells us that you probably don’t think
about this outgroup as a diverse group of people (which it is). You don’t
think about the elderly grandmother who is kind and helpful and bakes
cookies for her neighbors; you don’t think about the elder statesman
who is wise, learned and knowledgeable about many things; and you
don’t think about the elderly senior citizen who is lean, fit and athletic.
In short, you miss the diversity in a group if it is not your group. Older
people do this too when they talk about “young people today.” They
don’t recognize that there are many different types of young people.
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Similarly, people from China, Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam see
themselves as different from one another but to non-Asians, they may
be seen as simply Asians.
The Cross Racial Identification Bias
Research has shown that outgroup members even seem to look
alike to us: People are less accurate in distinguishing and recognizing
the faces of members of racial outgroups, especially if they are
unfamiliar with those other groups. This is The Cross Racial
Identification Bias. Below is an example of this effect. This remark was
made by John Motson, a white football commentator during an
interview:
There are teams where you have got players who, from a distance,
look almost identical. And, of course, with more black players
coming into the game, they would not mind me saying that it can
be very confusing… if there were five or six black players in the
team and several of them are going for the ball it can be difficult.
It’s difficult to know from this comment alone, if John Motson is
prejudiced or if he is a victim of the Cross Racial Identification Bias.
Lack of familiarity with outgroup members can lead to the feeling
that “They” all look alike, but there’s more to it than that. Research
using brain imaging has found that merely categorizing people as
ingroup or outgroup members influences how we process information
about them even if we are familiar with the outgroup. In one study,
participants were exposed to unfamiliar faces of people who were the
same race as the participants. Some of these faces were ingroup
members (they were from the same university as the participants) or
outgroup members (they were from a rival university). Participants
processed the faces more completely, less simplistically and less
superficially (this was verified by more activity in the orbitofrontal
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cortex) when they had been categorized as being from their ingroup
than they did when they had been categorized as members of the
outgroup. Deciding that someone is like me or not, makes a difference
even at the level of the brain.
We may not only process outgroup members’ faces more
superficially – we may sometimes process them more like objects than
like fellow human beings. In a study by Harris and Fiske, when
participants saw pictures of people from a variety of groups, fMRI
showed activation in their medial prefrontal cortex, which is the part of
the brain responsible for social thought. However, this activation was
not evident in response to images of either nonhuman objects or people
from particularly extreme outgroups, such as drug addicts or the
homeless. We just don’t think about them at all.
When we do think about them though, we may not see them as
fully human.
Cuddy and her associates conducted a study two weeks after a
major hurricane devastated the lives of thousands of people.
Participants read about a mother whose young son had died during the
hurricane. Some participants read about an African American mother
while others read the same story but in this case, the woman was
European American. Participants felt that the woman, regardless of her
race, was distressed, panicked, fearful and angry about her son’s
death. These are emotions that people believe animals as well as
humans experience.
We have other emotions though, secondary emotions, that are
believed to be uniquely human. These emotions require human
capabilities such as the ability to think complexly and abstractly and the
ability to think ethically. These emotions include: anguish, mourning,
grief, remorse, resentment, and guilt. Participants were less likely to
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believe that the woman had experienced these uniquely human and
humanizing emotions if she was from a different racial group. People of
color (Black and Latinx participants) were less likely to indicate that the
White mother had experienced these secondary, human emotions.
Similarly, White participants indicated that the Black mother had not
felt the same complex human emotions that a White mother in the
same situation would have felt. In other words, people felt that the
tragedy of losing a child had less of an effect on someone who was not
a member of their group. Although they acknowledged that the
outgroup mother would be distressed by her son’s death, they did not
feel that she experienced complex and uniquely human emotions that
someone from their group would experience. Here’s an example: Since
they did not believe that the non-racially similar mother would feel guilt
(since guilt is a complex secondary emotion), they would not consider
or believe that she might stay awake night after night thinking about
what she could have done to save her son. Similarly, they would not
think that her life would be destroyed by her son’s death (since anguish
is a secondary emotion) but they would imagine that someone from
their group would experience incredible grief and anguish in this
situation.
This type of dehumanization has played a role in atrocities that have
occurred throughout history.
Additional Consequences of Ingroup/Outgroup Categorization
There are several other consequences that occur as a result of
seeing someone as part of the ingroup or outgroup.
Generalizing from the behavior of a single outgroup member
People are more likely to generalize from the behavior of one
member of the outgroup to other members of the outgroup. This is
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particularly likely when the behavior is negative, stereotypical and
socially or personally threatening. So, for example, if a member of
another group harms you in some way, you are more likely to infer that
most people in that group behave this way than if a member of your
group harmed you.
This has been demonstrated experimentally. White participants who
overheard a fake phone conversation about an assault by a Black
person later rated Blacks as more violent than did participants who
heard the same conversation about a White assailant. Observing a
single instance of negative behavior involving a member of an outgroup
led people to evaluate all members of that group negatively.
The Ultimate Attribution Error: But what if a member of your group
has done something negative? People are more generous and forgiving
when it comes to their own group. According to the ultimate attribution
error, we see our own group’s negative behavior as something
temporary – it’s due to the situation – but the same behavior by a
member from a different group is likely to be attributed to that group’s
permanent horrible tendencies. This effect is particularly strong when
the groups involved have a history of intense conflict or when the
people involved are deeply prejudiced. It also occurs if the situation is
one that provokes strong emotion.
Can you think of real life examples of these two effects?
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