Soviet Union Communist Thought

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v

CONTENTS
LIST OF MAPS xiii

ABOUT THE AUTHOR xv

PREFACE xvii

1 INTRODUCTION 2
What Is Comparative Politics? 6

The Comparative Method 7

Can We Make a Science of Comparative Politics? 12

A Guiding Concept: Political Institutions 19

A Guiding Ideal: Reconciling Freedom and Equality 23

In Sum: Looking Ahead and Thinking Carefully 25
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: CAN WE MAKE A SCIENCE OF POLITICS? 26

2 STATES 30
Defining the State 34

The Origins of Political Organization 38

The Rise of the Modern State 41

Comparing State Power 46
Legitimacy 46

Centralization or Decentralization 50

Power, Autonomy, and Capacity 51

INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY HAS PAKISTAN SLID TOWARD

STATE FAILURE? 56

In Sum: Studying States 59

3 NATIONS AND SOCIETY 62
Ethnic Identity 66

National Identity 68

Citizenship and Patriotism 70

Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and Citizenship:
Origins and Persistence 72
Ethnic and National Conflict 74

Political Attitudes and Political Ideology 77
Political Attitudes 77

Political Ideology 81

Religion, Fundamentalism, and the Crisis
of Identity 86

Political Culture 89
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: HOW HAS INDIA HELD TOGETHER? 92

In Sum: Society and Politics 94

4 POLITICAL ECONOMY 96
The Components of Political Economy 100

Markets and Property 100

Public Goods 103

Social Expenditures: Who Benefits? 103

Taxation 104

Money, Inflation, and Economic Growth 106

Regulation 108

Trade 109

Political-Economic Systems 110
Liberalism 111

Social Democracy 112

Communism 114

Mercantilism 116

vi Contents

Political-Economic Systems and the State:
Comparing Outcomes 118
Measuring Wealth 119

Measuring Inequality and Poverty 120

Human Development Index (HDI) 122

Happiness 124

The Rise and Fall of Liberalism? 126
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY HAVE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY DECLINED IN

LATIN AMERICA? 130

In Sum: A New Economic Era? 132

5 DEMOCRATIC REGIMES 134
Defining Democracy 138

Origins of Democracy 139

Contemporary Democratization 141
Modernization and Democratization 141

Elites and Democratization 143

Society and Democratization 144

International Relations and Democratization 144

Culture and Democratization 145

Institutions of the Democratic State 146
Executives: Head of State and Head of Government 146

Legislatures: Unicameral and Bicameral 147

Judiciaries and Judicial Review 148

Models of Democracy: Parliamentary, Presidential,
and Semi-Presidential Systems 150
Parliamentary Systems 150

Presidential Systems 152

Semi-Presidential Systems 153

Parliamentary, Presidential, and Semi-Presidential Systems:
Benefits and Drawbacks 154

Contents vii

Political Parties 156

Electoral Systems 157

Referendum and Initiative 165
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHAT EXPLAINS DEMOCRATIZATION

IN ASIA? 166

Civil Rights and Civil Liberties 168

In Sum: Future Challenges to Democracy 169

6 NONDEMOCRATIC REGIMES 172
Defining Nondemocratic Rule 176

Totalitarianism and Nondemocratic Rule 177

Origins and Sources of Nondemocratic Rule 178
Modernization and Nondemocratic Rule 179

Elites and Nondemocratic Rule 180

Society and Nondemocratic Rule 181

International Relations and Nondemocratic Rule 182

Culture and Nondemocratic Rule 183

Nondemocratic Regimes and Political Control 184
Coercion and Surveillance 184

Co-optation: Corporatism and Clientelism 187

Personality Cults 189

Models of Nondemocratic Rule 191
Personal and Monarchical Rule 191

Military Rule 193

One-Party Rule 194

Theocracy 195

Illiberal Regimes 197

INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHAT EXPLAINS THE DIFFERENT PATHS OF

ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA? 198

In Sum: Retreat or Retrenchment for Nondemocratic
Regimes? 200

viii Contents

7 POLITICAL VIOLENCE 204
What Is Political Violence? 207

Why Political Violence? 208
Institutional Explanations 208

Ideational Explanations 209

Individual Explanations 210

Comparing Explanations of Political Violence 211

Forms of Political Violence 212
Revolution 212

Terrorism 217

Terrorism and Revolution: Means and Ends 222

Political Violence and Religion 223

Countering Political Violence 227
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY DID THE ARAB SPRING OF 2011 OCCUR? 230

In Sum: Meeting the Challenge of Political Violence 232

8 DEVELOPED DEMOCRACIES 234
Defining Developed Democracy 238

Freedom and Equality in Developed Democracies 242

Contemporary Challenges for Developed Democracies 244

Political Institutions: Sovereignty Transformed? 246
The European Union: Integration, Expansion, and Resistance 246

Devolution and Democracy 252

Societal Institutions: New Identities in Formation? 254
Postmodern Values and Organization 254

Diversity, Identity, and the Challenge to Postmodern Values 255

Economic Institutions: A New Market? 258
Postindustrialism 258

Maintaining the Welfare State 259

In Sum: Developed Democracies in Transition 261
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHAT EXPLAINS THE GREEK

ECONOMIC CRISIS? 262

Contents ix

9 COMMUNISM AND
POSTCOMMUNISM 266
Communism, Equality, and the Nature of Human

Relations 270

Revolution and the “Triumph” of Communism 272

Putting Communism into Practice 274

Communist Political Economy 278

Societal Institutions under Communism 280

The Collapse of Communism 282

The Transformation of Political Institutions 285
Reorganizing the State and Constructing a Democratic Regime 285

Evaluating Political Transitions 286

The Transformation of Economic Institutions 291
Privatization and Marketization 291

Evaluating Economic Transitions 293

The Transformation of Societal Institutions 295
Changing Identities 296

Evaluating Societal Transitions 297

INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY DID REFORM FAIL IN THE SOVIET UNION BUT

SUCCEED IN CHINA? 300

In Sum: The Legacy of Communism 302

10 DEVELOPING COUNTRIES 304
Freedom and Equality in the Developing World 308

Imperialism and Colonialism 310

Institutions of Imperialism 313
Exporting the State 313

Social Identities 314

Dependent Development 316

x Contents

The Challenges of Post-Imperialism 318
Building State Capacity and Autonomy 319

Creating Nations and Citizens 322

Generating Economic Growth 324

Puzzles and Prospects for Democracy and Development 326
Making a More Effective State 328

Developing Political Engagement 330

Promoting Economic Prosperity 331

INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY DID ASIA INDUSTRIALIZE FASTER THAN

LATIN AMERICA? 334

In Sum: The Challenges of Development 336

11 GLOBALIZATION AND THE FUTURE
OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS 338
What Is Globalization? 342

Institutions and Globalization 344

Political Globalization 346

Economic Globalization 349

Societal Globalization 353

Taking Stock of Globalization 356
Is Globalization New? 356

Is Globalization Exaggerated? 358

Is Globalization Inevitable? 362

INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: DID GLOBALIZATION CAUSE ECONOMIC

RECESSION? 364

In Sum: The Future of Freedom and Equality 366

NOTES A-1

GLOSSARY A-15

CREDITS A-25

INDEX A-27

Contents xi

xiii

LIST OF MAPS
AFRICA xxiii

ASIA xxiv

THE MIDDLE EAST xxv

EUROPE xxvi

CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA xxvii

NORTH AMERICA xxviii

ETHNOLINGUISTIC DIVERSIT Y IN AFRICA 76

EUROPEAN UNION MEMBERSHIP, 2017 251

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Patrick H. O’Neil is Distinguished Professor of Politics and Government at the
University of Puget Sound in Tacoma, Washington. He received his Ph.D. in
political science from Indiana University. Professor O’Neil’s teaching and research
interests are in the areas of authoritarianism and democratization. His past research
focused on Eastern Europe, and his current research deals with the Middle East,
particularly Iran. His publications include the books Revolution from Within: The
Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party and the Collapse of Communism and Communi-
cating Democracy: The Media and Political Transitions (editor).

xv

xvii

PREFACE
The past three decades have seen the dramatic transformation of comparative poli-
tics: the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the spread of
democracy across the globe, the rise of new economic powers in Asia, the deepen-
ing of globalization. For a time, many looked upon these changes as unmitigated
progress that would bring about a decline in global conflict and produce widespread
prosperity. Recently, however, there has been growing doubt, as the uncertainties of
the future seem to portend more risk than reward, more inequality than prosperity,
more conflict than peace. One can no longer suggest that a country and its citizens
can function well without a good understanding of the billions of people who live
outside of its borders. Clearly we ignore such uncertainty at our peril.

This textbook is meant to contribute to our understanding of comparative poli-
tics (the study of domestic politics around the world) by investigating the central
ideas and questions that make up this field. It begins with the most basic struggle
in politics—the battle between freedom and equality and the task of reconciling
or balancing these ideals. How this struggle has unfolded across place and time
represents the core of comparative politics. The text continues by emphasizing the
importance of institutions. Human action is fundamentally guided by the institu-
tions that people construct, such as culture, constitutions, and property rights.
Once established, these institutions are both influential and persistent—not easily
overcome, changed, or removed. How these institutions emerge, and how they
affect politics, is central to this work.

With these ideas in place, we tackle the basic institutions of power—states, mar-
kets, societies, democracies, and nondemocratic regimes. What are states, how do
they emerge, and how can we measure their capacity, autonomy, and efficacy? How
do markets function, and what kinds of relationships exist between states and mar-
kets? How do societal components like nationalism, ethnicity, and ideology shape
political values? And what are the main differences between democratic and non-
democratic regimes, and what explains why one or the other predominates in vari-
ous parts of the world? These are a few of the questions we will attempt to answer.

Once these concepts and questions have been explored, subsequent chapters
will apply them directly to various political systems—developed democracies, com-
munist and postcommunist countries, and developing countries. In each of these,

the basic institutions of the state, market, society, and democratic or nondemo-
cratic regime all shape the relationship between freedom and equality. What basic
characteristics lead us to group these countries together? How do they compare
to one another, and what are their prospects for economic, social, and democratic
development? Finally, we will conclude with a discussion of globalization, linking
what we have studied at the domestic level to wider international forces.

The format of this text has long differed from that of traditional comparative
politics textbooks. In the past, these books were built around a set of country
studies, with introductory chapters for the advanced, postcommunist, and less-
developed world. While such a textbook can provide a great deal of information
on a wide range of cases, the trade-off is often a less thorough consideration of the
basic grammar of comparative politics. We might know who the prime minister
of Japan is but have less of an understanding of political culture, mercantilism, or
state autonomy—all ideas that can help us make sense of politics across time and
place. This text strives to fill this gap and can be used alongside traditional case
studies to help draw out broader questions and issues. By grasping these concepts,
arguments, and questions, students will better understand the political dynamics
of the wider world.

This thematic approach to the essential tools and ideas of comparative politics
is supported by a strong pedagogy that clarifies and reinforces the most important
concepts. Key concepts lists and “Institutions in Action” boxes in every chapter
highlight important material that students will want to review. Numerous figures
and tables illustrate important concepts and provide real world data related to the
topic at hand. Timelines and thematic maps show important political develop-
ments over time and around the globe. The importance of institutions is empha-
sized by the opening and closing discussions in each chapter.

Essentials of Comparative Politics is designed to offer instructors flexibility in
creating the course that they want to teach. In addition to the core textbook, a
corresponding casebook and a reader are also available. Cases in Comparative Poli-
tics, coauthored by Karl Fields, Donald Share, and myself, applies the concepts
from Essentials of Comparative Politics to thirteen country studies. An integrated
version of both texts, with shorter case studies, Cases and Concepts in Comparative
Politics, is also available. In Essential Readings in Comparative Politics, my coeditor,
Ronald Rogowski, and I have selected key readings to accompany each chapter in
the textbook. Norton also offers the textbook, casebook, and integrated version in
e-book format. Support materials for instructors, including a Test Bank, Power-
Point lecture outlines, and a supplementary Image Bank, are also available at http://
www.wwnorton.com/instructors.

xviii Preface

http://www.wwnorton.com/instructors

http://www.wwnorton.com/instructors

Many people have contributed to this work. The text itself is inspired by Karen
Mingst’s Essentials of International Relations. When Norton released Mingst’s book
nearly 30 years ago, I was struck by its concision and came to the conclusion
that comparative politics would benefit from a similar kind of text. At Norton,
Peter Lesser first encouraged me to submit a proposal for this textbook, and Roby
Harrington encouraged me to develop the initial chapters, supported its publica-
tion, and provided important feedback at many stages. As editor, Ann Shin held
me to a high standard of writing argumentation in the first edition. For the second,
third, and fourth editions, Peter Lesser, Aaron Javsicas, and Jake Schindel took over
editorial duties, helping to further improve the work. In the fifth and sixth editions,
Peter, who first challenged me to write this text, returned to the helm to guide me
through a number of complicated revisions and edits that have improved the con-
tent and style. Samantha Held has been indispensable in managing all the details
across several texts and ensuring consistency and accuracy. I am grateful to all five
of them for their investment in this work.

In addition to the people at Norton, many academics have helped improve this
work. Most important have been my colleagues at the University of Puget Sound,
in particular Don Share and Karl Fields. Over many years Don, Karl, and I have
taught alongside each other, and learning from these two outstanding teachers and
scholars helped generate many of the ideas in this book. Don and Karl continue
to provide important feedback and numerous suggestions. I am fortunate to have
such colleagues.

Many thanks as well to those numerous reviewers who have provided useful
critiques and suggestions that have improved this work:

James Allan, Wittenberg University
David C. Andrus, College of the Canyons
Oana Armeanu, University of Southern Indiana
Jason Arnold, Virginia Commonwealth University
Alan Arwine, University of Kansas
Alex Avila, Mesa Community College
Gregory Baldi, Western Illinois University
Caroline Beer, University of Vermont
Marni Berg, Colorado State University
Prosper Bernard Jr., College of Staten Island
Jeremy Busacca, Whittier College
Ryan Carlin, Georgia State University
Matthew Carnes, Georgetown University

Preface xix

Robert Compton, SUNY Oneonta
Isabelle Côté, Memorial University of Newfoundland
Lukas K. Danner, Florida International University
Suheir Daoud, Coastal Carolina University
Bruce Dickson, George Washington University
Kenly Fenio, Virginia Tech
Bonnie Field, Bentley University
Nathan W. Freeman, University of Georgia
John French, Depaul University/University of Illinois at Chicago
John Froitzheim, College of William & Mary
Julia George, Queens College, CUNY
Sarah Goodman, University of California at Irvine
Anna Gregg, Austin Peay State University
Kikue Hamayotsu, Northern Illinois University
Ivy Hamerly, Baylor University
Cole Harvey, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Alexandra Hennessy, Seton Hall University
Jeffrey Hernden, State College of Florida
Yoshiko Herrera, University of Wisconsin at Madison
Robert Hinckley, SUNY Potsdam
Matthew Hoddie, Towson University
Maiah Jaskoski, Northern Arizona University
John Jaworsky, University of Waterloo
Joon S. Kil, Irvine Valley College
Tamara Kotar, University of Ottawa
Brian Kupfer, Tallahassee Community College
Ahmet Kuru, San Diego State University
Lisa Laverty, Eastern Michigan University
Jeffrey Lewis, Cleveland State University
Gregory Love, University of Mississippi
Mona Lyne, University of Missouri, Kansas City
Audrey Mattoon, Washington State University
Michael Mitchell, Arizona State University
Christopher Muste, University of Montana
Sharon Rivera, Hamilton College
Paul Rousseau, University of Windsor
Jennifer Rutledge, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Stephanie Sapiie, SUNY Nassau Community College
Hootan Shambayati, Florida Gulf Coast University

xx Preface

Steve Sharp, Utah State University, Logan
Richard Stahler-Sholk, Eastern Michigan University
Boyka Stefanova, University of Texas at San Antonio
Aaron Stuvland, George Mason University
Sandra L. Suarez, Temple University
Markus Thiel, Florida International University
Hubert Tworzecki, Emory University
Brian Wampler, Boise State University
Shawn H. Williams, Campbellsville University
Mark A. Wolfgram, Oklahoma State University
Stacy Philbrick Yadav, Hobart & William Smith Colleges
Jeremy Youde, University of Minnesota, Duluth
Lyubov Zhyznomirska, Saint Mary’s University

Finally, I would like to thank the students of the University of Puget Sound for
their questions and insights, the university administration for its support of this
project, and my family for their patience.

Patrick H. O’Neil
Tacoma, Washington

May 2017

Preface xxi

AFRICA

ATLANTIC

OCEAN

INDIAN

OCEAN

N I G E R

C H A D

L I B Y A
E G Y P T

A L G E R I A

MAURITANIA
M A L I

N I G E R I A

S U D A N

S O U T H
S U D A N

D E M O C R AT I C
R E P U B L I C

O F T H E
C O N G O

E T H I O P I A

K E N Y A

A N G O L A

CABINDA
(ANGOLA) T A N Z A N I A

NAMIBIA

Z A M B I A

S O U T H
A F R I C A

ERITREA

TUNISIA

MOROCCO

WESTERN
SAHARA

(MOR.)

GUINEA

GHANA

BURKINA
FASO

BENIN

EQUATORIAL GUINEA

SÃO TOMÉ & PRÍNCIPE

LIBERIA

COMOROS

MAURITIUS

GUINEA-
BISSAU

GAMBIA

SIERRA
LEONE

MALAWI

BOTSWANA

ZIMBABWE

SWAZILAND

BURUNDI

RWANDA

LESOTHO

CÔTE
D’IVOIRE

GABON
UGANDA

CENTRAL
AFRICAN REPUBLIC

M
O

Z
A

M

B I
Q U

E

DJIBOUTI

YEMEN

OMAN
U.A.E.

IRAN
KUWAIT

QATAR

TURKMENISTAN

IRAQ

SYRIA

TURKEYSPAIN
PORTUGAL

JORDAN

ISRAEL
LEBANON

CYPRUS

SAUDI
ARABIA

CO
NG

O

S
O

M
A

L I
A

CA
M

ER
OO

N

SENEGAL

M
A

D
A

G
A

S
C

A
R

GREECE

ITALY

TOGO

ASIA

PACIFIC

OCEAN

INDIAN OCEAN

Philippine
SeaArabian

Sea
Bay of
Bengal

Java

Borneo
Celebes

Sumatra

BHUTAN

CAMBODIA

I N D O N E S I A

NEPAL

E. TIMOR

N. KOREA

AF
GH

AN
IST

AN

R U S S I A

INDIA

MALAYSIA

TAIWAN

MALDIVES

TAJIKISTAN

MYANMAR

KAZAKHSTAN

PHILIPPINES

SOLOMON
ISLANDS

PA
KIS

TA
N

PAPUA
NEW GUINEA

SRI
LANKA

TURKMENISTAN

JAPAN

S. KOREA

MONGOLIA

BANGLADESH

UZBEKISTAN

VIETNAM

SINGAPORE

KYRGYZSTAN

BRUNEI

IRAN

THAILAND

C H I N A

LAOS

THE MIDDLE EAST

Arabian
Sea

Mediterranean Sea

Red Sea

Black Sea

Caspian
Sea

Persian Gulf

GEORGIA

GREECE

EGYPT
LIBYA

SUDAN

ERITREA

SOMALIA

DJIBOUTI

TURKMENISTAN

AFGHANISTAN

PAKISTAN

ARMENIA

SAUDI
ARABIA

YEMEN

IRAQ

TURKEY
AZERBAIJAN

SYRIA

JORDAN

ISRAEL

LEBANON

CYPRUS

IRAN

OMAN

OMAN

QATAR

BAHRAIN

KUWAIT

UNITED
ARAB

EMIRATES

EUROPE

ATLANTIC

OCEAN

BELGIUM

DENMARK

ESTONIA

FINLAND

FRANCE

GERMANY

IRELAND

LATVIA

NETHERLANDS

NORWAY

ICELAND

POLAND

PORTUGAL

RUSSIA

SPAIN

SWEDEN

SWITZ.

UNITED
KINGDOM

LITHUANIA

LUXEMBOURG

ALBANIA

AUSTRIA

BELARUS

BULGARIA

CYPRUS

CZECH REP.

HUNGARY

ITALY

ROMANIA

R U S S I A

SLOVAKIA

SYRIA IRAN

AZERBAIJAN

KAZAKHSTAN

ARMENIA

GEORGIA

TURKEY

UKRAINE

MALTA

MOLDOVA

Crimea
(controlled
by Russia)

CROATIA

SLOVENIA

GREECE

BOSNIA AND
HERZEGOVINA

MONTENEGRO

SERBIA

KOSOVO

MACEDONIA

CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA

PACIFIC

OCEAN

ATLANTIC

OCEAN

ATLANTIC

OCEAN
Gulf of
Mexico

Caribbean Sea

BOLIVIA

MEXICO

PERU

COSTA RICA

ST. KITTS & NEVIS

PANAMA

SURINAME

EL SALVADOR

HONDURAS
JAMAICA

SAINT VINCENT AND THE GRENADINESGUATEMALA NICARAGUA

ECUADOR

B R A Z I L

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

DOMINICA

CUBA

ARGENTINA

HAITI

URUGUAY

THE BAHAMAS

ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA

COLOMBIA

ST. LUCIA
GRENADA

BELIZE

CHILE

BARBADOS

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

VENEZUELA GUYANA

PARAGUAY

NORTH AMERICA

PACIFIC

OCEAN

ATLANTIC

OCEAN

ARCTIC OCEAN

Gulf of
Mexico

Labrador
Sea

Hudson
Bay

Baffin
Bay

Beaufort
Sea

Bering
Sea

Gulf of
Alaska

C A N A D A

ICELAND

U N I T E D S T A T E S

COLOMBIA

MEXICO

Greenland
(Denmark)

VENEZUELA

DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC

BELIZE

GUATEMALA

COSTA RICA

EL SALVADOR
PANAMA

NICARAGUA

RUSSIA

HONDURAS

Puerto
Rico (U.S.)

Alaska
(U.S.)

HAITI

CUBA

THE BAHAMAS

JAMAICA

2 CHAPTER ONE ■ INTRODUCTION

1

Protesters in Yemen attend a rally to commemorate the anniversary of Mohamed
Bouazizi’s death. In December 2010, the Tunisian street vendor set himself on fire
to protest corruption in his home country, inspiring the Arab Spring that ignited the
region in the following year. Members of the crowd hold a banner that reads, “We are
all Bouazizi.”

Who would have predicted 10 years ago that the Middle East would change so much in such a short period of time? Dra-matic historical events often take scholars, politicians, and
even participants by surprise. For example, in the 1980s few people
expected that communism would come to a dramatic end in Eastern
Europe— if anything, modest reforms in the Soviet Union were expected
to give communist institutions a new lease on life. Following the collapse
of communism and increased democratization in parts of Asia and Latin
America, many scholars expected that regimes in the Middle East would
be next. But by the turn of the century, these expectations appeared
unfounded; authoritarianism in the region seemed immune to change.
Scholars chalked this up to a number of things— the role of oil, Western
economic and military aid, lack of civic institutions, or the supposedly
undemocratic nature of Islam.

Yet again, history took us by surprise. The opening events of the Arab
Spring were disarmingly simple. In December 2010, a young Tunisian man,
Mohamed Bouazizi, set himself on fire to protest police corruption and
government indifference. Angry protests broke out shortly thereafter,
and the long- standing government was overthrown within weeks. New
protests then broke out across the region in January and February 2011.
In Egypt, President Hosni Mubarak was forced to resign after 30 years
in office. In Libya, protests turned to widespread armed conflict and

INTRODUCTION

What can political science tell us
that we don’t already know?

3

4 CHAPTER ONE ■ INTRODUCTION

led to the killing of Muammar Gaddafi after more than 40 years of rule. In Syria,
Bashar al- Assad clung to power as peaceful protests eventually turned into a civil
war that has devastated the country, killed over 400,000 people, and triggered a
migration crisis.

The immediate political future of these and other countries in the region
is uncertain. Tunisia has transitioned into a fragile democracy, while Egypt has
returned to dictatorship; Libya is plagued by regional and tribal conflict, while Syria
has drawn in foreign forces, some bent on establishing an Islamist political system
across the region. At the same time, an entire range of countries in the region have
faced down public protests or not faced them at all. This is especially true among
the monarchies of the Persian Gulf, where one might have imagined that these
anachronistic forms of rule would have been the first to fall.

We are thus left with a series of puzzles. Why did the Arab Spring take place?
What was the source of these tumultuous changes— revolution, civil war, and one of
the largest refugee crises in recent history? Why did these uprisings take different
forms and differ in the level of violence from place to place? Finally, why did some
countries not see significant public protest to begin with? The hopeful nature of an
Arab Spring has since been replaced by a much darker sense of the future politics
of the region. Democracy, even political stability, seems further away than ever, and
there are serious repercussions for the Middle East and beyond. Can political sci-
ence help us answer these questions? Can it provide us with the tools to shape our
own country’s policies in this regard? Or are dramatic political changes, especially
regional ones, simply too complex?

L E A R N I N G O B J EC T I V E S

■■ Explain the methods political scientists use to understand politics around
the world.

■■ Discuss whether comparative politics can be more scientific and predict
political outcomes.

■■ Define the role and importance of institutions in political life.

■■ Compare freedom and equality and consider how politics reconciles the
two across countries.

Introduction 5

During the past 25 years, the world has seen an astonishing number of changes:
the rise of new economic powers in Asia, the collapse of communism, revolutions
across the Middle East, the return of religion to politics, the spread of information
technology and social media, and the shifting effects of globalization. Many of the
traditional assumptions and beliefs held by scholars, policy makers, and citizens
have been overturned. New centers of wealth may reduce poverty, but they may
also increase domestic inequality. Democracy, often seen as an inexorable force,
can founder on such obstacles as religious or economic conflict. Technological
change may create new, shared identities and sources of cooperation, but it can
destabilize and fragment communities.

One pertinent example, which we have seen emerge in the civil wars in Syria
and Iraq, is the role of ethnic and religious conflict. Why does this form of politi-
cal violence occur? Is it a response to inequality or political disenfranchisement?
Is it a function of cultural differences, a “clash of civilizations”? Is it fostered or
tempered by globalization? Perhaps the explanation lies somewhere else entirely,
beyond our purview or comprehension. How can we know what is correct? How
do we scrutinize a range of explanations and evaluate their merits? Competing
assumptions and explanations are at the heart of political debates and policy deci-
sions, yet we are often asked to choose in the absence of reliable evidence or a
good understanding of cause and effect. To be better citizens, we should be better
students of political science and comparative politics— the study and comparison
of domestic politics across countries. Comparative politics can be contrasted with …